President Obama's speech in Cairo

I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions. For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning, and for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement. Together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress. I am grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt. I am also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: assalaamu alaykum.

We meet at a time of tension between the United States and Muslims around the world – tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate. The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of co-existence and cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars. More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim-majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations. Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam.

Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority of Muslims. The attacks of September 11th, 2001 and the continued efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human rights. This has bred more fear and mistrust.

So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who sow hatred rather than peace, and who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity. This cycle of suspicion and discord must end.

I have come here to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world; one based upon mutual interest and mutual respect; and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive, and need not be in competition. Instead, they overlap, and share common principles – principles of justice and progress; tolerance and the dignity of all human beings.

I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight. No single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have all the complex questions that brought us to this point. But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly the things we hold in our hearts, and that too often are said only behind closed doors. There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other; to learn from each other; to respect one another; and to seek common ground. As the Holy Koran tells us, "Be conscious of God and speak always the truth." That is what I will try to do – to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart.

Part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I am a Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims. As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and the fall of dusk. As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith.

As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam. It was Islam – at places like Al-Azhar University – that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and Enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra; our magnetic compass and tools of navigation; our mastery of pens and printing; our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed. Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires; timeless poetry and cherished music; elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation. And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality.

I know, too, that Islam has always been a part of America's story. The first nation to recognize my country was Morocco. In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President John Adams wrote, "The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims." And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States. They have fought in our wars, served in government, stood for civil rights, started businesses, taught at our Universities, excelled in our sports arenas, won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch. And when the first Muslim-American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Koran that one of our Founding Fathers – Thomas Jefferson – kept in his personal library.

So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first revealed. That experience guides my conviction that partnership between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't. And I consider it part of my responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear.

But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America. Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a self-interested empire. The United States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known. We were born out of revolution against an empire. We were founded upon the ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words – within our borders, and around the world. We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a simple concept: E pluribus unum: "Out of many, one."

Much has been made of the fact that an African-American with the name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected President. But my personal story is not so unique. The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores – that includes nearly seven million American Muslims in our country today who enjoy incomes and education that are higher than average.

Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion. That is why there is a mosque in every state of our union, and over 1,200 mosques within our borders. That is why the U.S. government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab, and to punish those who would deny it.

So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America. And I believe that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in life, all of us share common aspirations – to live in peace and security; to get an education and to work with dignity; to love our families, our communities, and our God. These things we share. This is the hope of all humanity.

Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task. Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people. These needs will be met only if we act boldly in the years ahead; and if we understand that the challenges we face are shared, and our failure to meet them will hurt us all.

For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere. When a new flu infects one human being, all are at risk. When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations. When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are endangered across an ocean. And when innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience. That is what it means to share this world in the 21st century. That is the responsibility we have to one another as human beings.

This is a difficult responsibility to embrace. For human history has often been a record of nations and tribes subjugating one another to serve their own interests. Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating. Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail. So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners of it. Our problems must be dealt with through partnership; progress must be shared.

That does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed, it suggests the opposite: we must face these tensions squarely. And so in that spirit, let me speak as clearly and plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally confront together.

The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms.

In Ankara, I made clear that America is not – and never will be – at war with Islam. We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave threat to our security. Because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject: the killing of innocent men, women, and children. And it is my first duty as President to protect the American people.

The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our need to work together. Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and the Taliban with broad international support. We did not go by choice, we went because of necessity. I am aware that some question or justify the events of 9/11. But let us be clear: al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on that day. The victims were innocent men, women and children from America and many other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody. And yet Al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive scale. They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach. These are not opinions to be debated; these are facts to be dealt with.

Make no mistake: we do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan. We seek no military bases there. It is agonizing for America to lose our young men and women. It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict. We would gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and Pakistan determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can. But that is not yet the case.

That's why we're partnering with a coalition of forty-six countries. And despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken. Indeed, none of us should tolerate these extremists. They have killed in many countries. They have killed people of different faiths – more than any other, they have killed Muslims. Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam. The Holy Koran teaches that whoever kills an innocent, it is as if he has killed all mankind; and whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind. The enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few. Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremism – it is an important part of promoting peace.

We also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan. That is why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who have been displaced. And that is why we are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that people depend upon.

Let me also address the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world. Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible. Indeed, we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: "I hope that our wisdom will grow with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it will be."

Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future – and to leave Iraq to Iraqis. I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or resources. Iraq's sovereignty is its own. That is why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next August. That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically-elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all our troops from Iraq by 2012. We will help Iraq train its Security Forces and develop its economy. But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner, and never as a patron.

And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter our principles. 9/11 was an enormous trauma to our country. The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our ideals. We are taking concrete actions to change course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year.

So America will defend itself respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law. And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also threatened. The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer.

The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world.

America's strong bonds with Israel are well known. This bond is unbreakable. It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied.

Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust. Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich. Six million Jews were killed – more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today. Denying that fact is baseless, ignorant, and hateful. Threatening Israel with destruction – or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews – is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve.

On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people – Muslims and Christians – have suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For more than sixty years they have endured the pain of dislocation. Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to lead. They endure the daily humiliations – large and small – that come with occupation. So let there be no doubt: the situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable. America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own.

For decades, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive. It is easy to point fingers – for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as well as beyond. But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth: the only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security.

That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the world's interest. That is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience that the task requires. The obligations that the parties have agreed to under the Road Map are clear. For peace to come, it is time for them – and all of us – to live up to our responsibilities.

Palestinians must abandon violence. Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and does not succeed. For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation. But it was not violence that won full and equal rights. It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's founding. This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia; from Eastern Europe to Indonesia. It's a story with a simple truth: that violence is a dead end. It is a sign of neither courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus. That is not how moral authority is claimed; that is how it is surrendered.

Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build. The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its people. Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have responsibilities. To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, and to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, and recognize Israel's right to exist.

At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's. The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements. This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is time for these settlements to stop.

Israel must also live up to its obligations to ensure that Palestinians can live, and work, and develop their society. And just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's security; neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress.

Finally, the Arab States must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities. The Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems. Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their state; to recognize Israel's legitimacy; and to choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the past.

America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs. We cannot impose peace. But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away. Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state. It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true.

Too many tears have flowed. Too much blood has been shed. All of us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear; when the Holy Land of three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be; when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed (peace be upon them) joined in prayer.

The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons.

This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran. For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my country, and there is indeed a tumultuous history between us. In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically-elected Iranian government. Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage-taking and violence against U.S. troops and civilians. This history is well known. Rather than remain trapped in the past, I have made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my country is prepared to move forward. The question, now, is not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build.

It will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude and resolve. There will be many issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect. But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point. This is not simply about America's interests. It is about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path.

I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not. No single nation should pick and choose which nations hold nuclear weapons. That is why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons. And any nation – including Iran – should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That commitment is at the core of the Treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it. And I am hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this goal.

The fourth issue that I will address is democracy.

I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq. So let me be clear: no system of government can or should be imposed upon one nation by any other.

That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people. Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people. America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election. But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people; the freedom to live as you choose. Those are not just American ideas, they are human rights, and that is why we will support them everywhere.

There is no straight line to realize this promise. But this much is clear: governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure. Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away. America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them. And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments – provided they govern with respect for all their people.

This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only when they are out of power; once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others. No matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all who hold power: you must maintain your power through consent, not coercion; you must respect the rights of minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise; you must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party. Without these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy.

The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom.

Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance. We see it in the history of Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as a child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country. That is the spirit we need today. People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion of the mind, heart, and soul. This tolerance is essential for religion to thrive, but it is being challenged in many different ways.

Among some Muslims, there is a disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the rejection of another's. The richness of religious diversity must be upheld – whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt. And fault lines must be closed among Muslims as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq.

Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together. We must always examine the ways in which we protect it. For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation. That is why I am committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat.

Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit – for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear. We cannot disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence of liberalism.

Indeed, faith should bring us together. That is why we are forging service projects in America that bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews. That is why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's Interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations. Around the world, we can turn dialogue into Interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action – whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster.

The sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights.

I know there is debate about this issue. I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality. And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well-educated are far more likely to be prosperous.

Now let me be clear: issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue for Islam. In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Indonesia, we have seen Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead. Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world.

Our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons, and our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity – men and women – to reach their full potential. I do not believe that women must make the same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live their lives in traditional roles. But it should be their choice. That is why the United States will partner with any Muslim-majority country to support expanded literacy for girls, and to help young women pursue employment through micro-financing that helps people live their dreams.

Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity.

I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory. The Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and mindless violence. Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and changing communities. In all nations – including my own – this change can bring fear. Fear that because of modernity we will lose of control over our economic choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities – those things we most cherish about our communities, our families, our traditions, and our faith.

But I also know that human progress cannot be denied. There need not be contradiction between development and tradition. Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their economies while maintaining distinct cultures. The same is true for the astonishing progress within Muslim-majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai. In ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of innovation and education.

This is important because no development strategy can be based only upon what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work. Many Gulf States have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on broader development. But all of us must recognize that education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century, and in too many Muslim communities there remains underinvestment in these areas. I am emphasizing such investments within my country. And while America in the past has focused on oil and gas in this part of the world, we now seek a broader engagement.

On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America, while encouraging more Americans to study in Muslim communities. And we will match promising Muslim students with internships in America; invest in on-line learning for teachers and children around the world; and create a new online network, so a teenager in Kansas can communicate instantly with a teenager in Cairo.

On economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries. And I will host a Summit on Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the world.

On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological development in Muslim-majority countries, and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create jobs. We will open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new Science Envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, and grow new crops. And today I am announcing a new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio. And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health.

All these things must be done in partnership. Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments; community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life.

The issues that I have described will not be easy to address. But we have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world we seek – a world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home; a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes; a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are respected. Those are mutual interests. That is the world we seek. But we can only achieve it together.

I know there are many – Muslim and non-Muslim – who question whether we can forge this new beginning. Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress. Some suggest that it isn't worth the effort – that we are fated to disagree, and civilizations are doomed to clash. Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur. There is so much fear, so much mistrust. But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward. And I want to particularly say this to young people of every faith, in every country – you, more than anyone, have the ability to remake this world.

All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an effort – a sustained effort – to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings.

It is easier to start wars than to end them. It is easier to blame others than to look inward; to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share. But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path. There is also one rule that lies at the heart of every religion – that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. This truth transcends nations and peoples – a belief that isn't new; that isn't black or white or brown; that isn't Christian, or Muslim or Jew. It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the heart of billions. It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today.

We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.

The Holy Koran tells us, "O mankind! We have created you male and a female; and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another."

The Talmud tells us: "The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace."

The Holy Bible tells us, "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God."

The people of the world can live together in peace. We know that is God's vision. Now, that must be our work here on Earth. Thank you. And may God's peace be upon you.

Séminaire Femmes et Conflits armés

Séance spéciale :

Genre et Conflit dans le conflit Israélo-Palestinien : Quelles Stratégies de Résistance pour les femmes ?

 Une après-midi d’étude et de réflexion collective : mardi 5 mai de 14h30  à 19 heures  

En vue du refus massif de l'université des propositions du gouvernement menaçant l'avenir de la recherche, la séance ne se tiendra pas à la Sorbonne, mais dans un lieu alternatif auprès de l’association

Ni Putes Ni Soumises, Maison de la Mixité, 70 rue des Rigoles, 75020 Paris

 Nous remercions l’Association Ni Putes Ni Soumises pour leur chaleureux accueil

 Avant-propos : Sihem Habchi, Présidente de Ni Putes Ni Soumises 

 Elisabeth Marteu, chercheure: Les modes de résistance des femmes israéliennes et palestiniennes sous l’angle des associations féministes arabes en Israël, éditrice de Civil Organizations and Protest Movements in Israel à  paraître chez Palgrave-Macmillan, London-New-York

 Pénélope Larzillière, chercheure à l’IRD : Réflexions sur les attentats-suicide auteure de Etre jeune en Palestine, Baland, Paris 2004

 Ilaria Simonetti, doctorante à l’EHESS : Femmes Israéliennes dans l''opération plomb durci et formes de résistance féminines au militaire 

 Valérie Pouzol, chercheure: « De guerre lasses …. » : permanences et radicalisation des luttes de femmes contre la guerre en Israël (1987-2009). ,auteure, (entre autres), de Clandestines de la paix - Israéliennes et Palestiniennes contre la guerre, Paris Éditions. Complexe, 2008, « Genre et militantisme pour la paix en Israël » , (in) Filleule et Roux (dir.), Le sexe du militantisme. Paris, Presses de Sciences Po,  2009.

 Evelyne Accad  Professeur émérite, University of Illinois, Lebanese-American University : Des femmes recherchent liberté et  paix en zone de guerre, auteure (entre autres) Des femmes, des hommes et la guerre : Fiction et réalité au Proche-Orient. (Paris : Côté femmes, Collection Femmes et Changements, 1993), Sexuality and War : Literary Masks of the Middle East. NYUP, New York : New, 1990

Le Forum et Ofer Bronchtein ont participé au colloque "la Justice et la Paix dans les Saintes Ecritures et la pensée philosophique" du 19 au 23 avril 2009 à l'Hôtel Kheops à Nabeul, en Tunisie.

Téléchargez le programme.

Invitation à une conference sponsorisé par le Forum:

“Democracy in the Arab World, and the Role of USA”

Larry Diamond, Stanford University

Place:  Ambassador Hotel, Jerusalem
Date: Tuesday, 7th of April 2009
Time: 15:00 to 17:00 pm

Please confirm participation by

Saturday, 4 April 2009

To: cd@cd-cd.org

Larry Diamond, is the author of Squandered Victory: The American Occupation and the Bungled Effort to Bring Democracy to Iraq and a senior fellow at the Hoover Institute at Stanford University. He has served as the coeditor of the Journal of Democracy since its founding in 1990. He lives in Stanford, California.

Looking forward to seeing you with us.

Walid Salem
Director/ The Center for Democracy and Community Development

Vidéo de la chanson "There must be Another Way", de Noa et Mira Awad, la chanson de Israel pour le 2009 Eurovision Song Contest.

12 000 milliards de dollars pour la guerre au Proche-Orient

Mené par le Strategic Foresight Group (SFG) - groupe de réflexion basé en Inde- et soutenu par la Suisse, la Norvège, le Qatar et la Turquie, le rapport de 170 pages est basé sur 97 paramètres. Ces derniers vont des pertes humaines aux conséquences sur l’eau, le climat, l’agriculture, en passant par les libertés d’expression, de religions ou de la presse, l’éducation, la croissance démographique, le chômage, l’émigration, la hausse des loyers ou du prix du pétrole. Plus de cinquante experts d’Israël, des territoires palestiniens, d’Irak, du Liban, de Jordanie, d’Egypte, du Qatar, du Koweït et de la Ligue arabe ont participé à la recherche.

Une cascade de coûts

Le chercheur indien Sundeep Waslekar, président du SFG, précise:

"On doit parler d’une cascade de coûts dont une partie n’est pas quantifiable financièrement comme les atteintes à la dignité humaine."

Le rapport pointe par exemple les centaines de milliers d’heures de travail perdues par les Palestiniens aux check-points (barrages israéliens). Il révèle aussi que 91% des Israéliens vivent dans un perpétuel sentiment de peur et d’insécurité. Sundeep Waslekar s'interroge:

"Comment construire une société à long terme dans de pareilles conditions?"

Le chercheur précise que l’étude ne vise pas à trouver des solutions pour la paix dans la région:

"C’est la tâche des décideurs politiques. Nos recherches partent de 1991, date de la Conférence de Madrid [entre Israéliens et Palestiniens] où le destin du Proche-Orient aurait pu s’inverser. Cela n’a pas été le cas, mais nous avons trouvé judicieux d’estimer les gains qu’auraient engendré alors un processus de paix.

Il est important de savoir, par exemple, que 40% de la population en Jordanie est composée de réfugiés. Que se passerait-il si la Suisse devait accueillir deux millions de réfugiés? Sans conflit, la croissance au Proche-Orient serait de 8% par an."

Même après avoir payé des compensations aux réfugiés palestiniens et aux colons israéliens pour qu’ils déménagent, le revenu moyen annuel d’une famille israélienne pourrait croître de 4429 dollars, celui d’une famille égyptienne de 500 dollars, de 1250 dollars en Jordanie et de 5000 dollars en Arabie saoudite, selon l’étude. Sans parler du coût des infrastructures: transports entre les villes, acheminement du gaz entre Israël et le Liban, approvisionnement en eau, etc.

Un appel à la raison

"Ce rapport appelle à la raison dans une région dominée par les passions et les émotions, explique Jean-Daniel Ruch, représentant spécial pour le Proche-Orient du Département helvétique des affaires étrangères (DFAE), qui ajoute:

"Bien sûr, pour une mère de famille qui a perdu son mari et ses enfants dans les hostilités de Gaza, ces chiffres n’apportent aucun réconfort, là où il y a besoin de vérité et de justice. Mais ce genre d’étude pourrait enclencher la volonté politique nécessaire à un véritable processus de paix."

Raja Khalidi, économiste à la Conférence des Nations-Unies sur le commerce et le développement (CNUCED), reste dubitatif face aux ambitions du projet. Pour lui, l’ouvrage pourrait servir aux académiciens mais cela n’aura aucun impact sur les décideurs politiques pour arrêter la guerre:

"Le but d’une telle étude est certes noble, mais l’évaluation des coûts, aussi éloquents soient-ils, n’amènera pas la paix. Tous les calculs du monde n’arrêteront pas la guerre. Les racines du conflit sont autrement profondes. La justice et les droits sont en cause. Ces aspects doivent être abordés et résolus pour pouvoir envisager la fin des hostilités.

De plus, si cette logique qui consiste à évaluer les coûts pour décider de continuer ou non une guerre avait réellement un impact, on n’aurait certainement pas effectué les dépenses de ces dix dernières années."

Les profiteurs de guerre

Autre remarque de l’économiste:

"Il ne faut pas oublier que les guerres sont nourries par les besoins des industries militaires qui se trouvent surtout en Europe et aux Etats-Unis. On sait que les conflits en Irak, Afghanistan et Gaza ont été exploités pour développer de nouvelles armes.

Par contre, si j’étais un politicien palestinien, je me servirais de cette étude pour revoir ma stratégie et gérer différemment ce conflit. En effet, les chiffres montrent que les pays arabes (à part l’Irak) et l’Iran ont perdu huit fois plus qu’Israël. Donc comme politicien arabe, je me poserais de sérieuses questions quant aux résultats obtenus par rapport aux gigantesques dépenses engendrées."

De son côté, l’ancien ministre des travaux publics de l’autorité palestinienne, Mohammed Stayyeh, demande qu’on parle des coûts de l’occupation israélienne -et non du conflit israélo-palestinien:

"Une occupation qui profite économiquement à Israël. Un tiers de l’eau des cuisines israéliennes provient de Cisjordanie. Voilà dix-huit ans que le processus de paix se poursuit sans résultat tangible. Nous sommes obligés de reconstruire en boucle nos infrastructures avec les donations internationales. Il m’est arrivé de reconstruire jusqu’à cinq fois le même pont. Et c’est votre argent qui est gaspillé!"

Source: www.rue89.com

Entretien avec Ofer Bronstein, président du Forum international pour la paix sur TV5.

"Ofer Bronstein, infatigable militant israélien pour la paix au Proche Orient, appelle à la fin de la guerre et au retour du dialogue, y compris avec le Hamas. Il salue le calme en Cisjordanie."

Gaza (Palestine) et Sderot (Israël) : raconter la vie quotidienne dans ces deux villes, situées de part et d’autre de la frontière israélo-palestinienne. Rendre compte de la réalité telle qu’elle est vécue par les uns et les autres. Malgré la dureté de la vie quotidienne, la menace des attaques aériennes ou des tirs de roquettes, on continue à travailler, s’aimer, rêver. La vie malgré tout. Retrouvez sur ce site, pendant deux mois, les chroniques vidéos courtes (2mn) de Gaza et Sderot, pour suivre la vie de cinq personnes (hommes, femmes et enfants) de chaque ville. Tous les jours, une vidéo palestinienne, une vidéo israélienne : l’une sans l’autre ne serait qu’une vision partielle de la réalité.

Regardez les vidéos.

Ofer Bronstein participe régulièrement sur les débats de France 24 sur le Moyen Orient. Regardez les vidéos sur France24.com.

Le Forum International pour la Paix propose une conférence :

Guerre ou Paix au proche Orient? Perspectives un an après Annapolis.

Les intervenants sont:

Ami Ayalon : Ministre d’Etat Israélien, en charge de la sécurité intérieure

Ofer Bronchtein : Président du Forum International pour la Paix

Hind Khoudry : représentante de l’Autorité Palestinienne en France

Soufian Abu Zeida: Pdt de la commission de l’Autorité Palestinienne, culture et éducation pour la paix Ofer Bronchtein: Pdt du Forum International pour la Paix

David Khalfa: Maitre de conférence à Sciences Po - consultant Affaires Etrangères

La conférence aura lieu le jeudi 6 novembre de 15h à 16 h30 à Sciences Po, 27 rue St Guillaume, 75007 Paris, à l'amphithéâtre Chapsal.

Cette conférence est réalisée en collaboration avec la Section U.E.J.F. des élèves de Sciences Po et l’Association des élèves de Sciences Po pour le Monde Arabe.

Pour plus d'informations, téléchargez le PDF.

Le Forum félicite Esther Mujawayo, qui a reçu la médaille d'honneur des mains du président de la république allemande.

Regardez LE DÉBAT DE FRANCE 24
Israël : l'après Olmert
Mercredi 17 septembre 2008
Avec Ofer Bronchtein

Lien exterieur

Un des dernières poèmes de Mahmoud Darwich

Si nous le voulons

« Nous serons un peuple, si nous le voulons, lorsque nous saurons que nous ne sommes pas des anges et que le mal n'est pas l'apanage des autres.

Nous serons un peuple lorsque nous ne dirons pas une prière d'action de grâces à la patrie sacrée chaque fois que le pauvre aura trouvé de quoi dîner.

Nous serons un peuple lorsque nous insulterons le sultan et le chambellan du sultan sans être jugés.

Nous serons un peuple lorsque le poète pourra faire une description érotique du ventre de la danseuse.

Nous serons un peuple lorsque nous oublierons ce que nous dit la tribu..., que l'individu s'attachera aux petits détails.

Nous serons un peuple lorsque l'écrivain regardera les étoiles sans dire : notre patrie est encore plus élevée... et plus belle !

Nous serons un peuple lorsque la police des mœurs protégera la prostituée et la femme adultère contre les bastonnades dans les rues.

Nous serons un peuple lorsque le Palestinien ne se souviendra de son drapeau que sur les stades, dans les concours de beauté et lors des commémorations de la Nakba. Seulement.

Nous serons un peuple lorsque le chanteur sera autorisé à psalmodier un verset de la sourate du Rahmân dans un mariage mixte.

Nous serons un peuple lorsque nous respecterons la justesse et que nous respecterons l'erreur. »

Le Forum International pour la Paix souhaite à M. Mandela bonne anniversaire.

Le Forum appel a la création d'une commission pour la vérité et le pardon, inspiré par celle crée par M. Mandela en Afrique du Sud.

L'humilité, la générosité et le pardon sont nécessaires a la réconciliation et a la paix au proche orient.

Ofer Bronchtein
Président du Forum

"La communauté internationale doit intervenir d'urgence en envoyant une force d'intervention, pour empêcher l'escalade des violences. Il est évident aujourd'hui que israéliens et palestiniens, seuls, ne peuvent pas empêcher les hostilités et conclure la paix, une force armée internationale composée aussi par des pays arabes est impératif pour imposer un cesser le feu et un retour au calme et aux négociations. Le soutien massif au président de l'autorité palestinienne, Mahmoud Abbas, est urgent car une autorité palestinienne forte et efficace est une des garanties à la sécurité, à la paix et à la lutte contre le terrorisme"

Déclaration dans un communiqué de presse
Ofer Bronchtein
Président du Forum International pour la Paix

Peace in Anapolis

Leaders of Israeli and Palestinian NGOs who met in Madrid on the 19th of October, agreed upon a common declaration.

Your support is important.

We welcome any and all interventions and initiatives with the goal of advancing dialogue, relief of suffering and the mutual recognition of self determination which can bring about the end to the Israeli Palestinian conflict.

In order to encourage the peace supporters in the civil societies of all peoples and communities in the region we should strive towards acceptance and fast (3 years) implementation of initiatives already tabled such as the Saudi Proposal (the Arab League initiative), the Geneva Accords, The Ayalon Nusseibeh initiative and The Taba principals.

We call upon the immediate implementation, by all parties, of all signed agreements.

Any initiative that disregards or opposes these former agreements or initiatives might reinforce those factions that oppose peace, thus perpetuate the suffering of the peoples of the region, mainly the suffering of the Palestinians.

We support the principal of a two state solution and the right of return for Palestinians according to agreed upon decisions.

A marshal plan for the middle east: the international community will commit to invest 50 billion euros in the next 5 years, (the cost of 200 days of war in Iraq or 3 years of weapon purchasing by middle eastern governments!!!).

We believe than political courage, generosity, humility, and forgiveness are needed to achieve the goal of a just and lasting peace in the region.

The International Forum for Peace will booster the activities among civil society organizations to translate political agreements into real reconciliation among peoples.

The 2008 program can be seen on our web site.

Forum Internacional para la Paz, Forum International pour la Paix, International Forum for Peace.

Signez la petition.

Ofer Bronchtein est présent, avec le ministre des Affaires Étrangères Espagnole, Moratinos, a Ovieda, pour la cérémonie.

Suivez en direct sur le site www.fundacionprincipedeasturias.org.

Des leaders d'ong Israéliennes et Palestiniennes, réunis à Madrid, ce week end (19 Octobre), se sont mis d'accord pour une déclaration commune. Votre soutien est important.

We welcome any and all interventions and initiatives with the goal of advancing dialogue, relief of suffering and the mutual recognition of self determination which can bring about the end to the Israeli Palestinian conflict

In order to encourage the peace supporters in the civil societies of all peoples and communities in the region we should strive towards acceptance and fast (3 years) implementation of initiatives already tabled such as the Saudi Proposal (the Arab League initiative), the Geneva Accords, The Ayalon Nusseibeh initiative and The Taba principals.

We call upon the immediate implementation, by all parties, of all signed agreements.

Any initiative that disregards or opposes these former agreements or initiatives might reinforce those factions that oppose peace, thus perpetuate the suffering of the peoples of the region, mainly the suffering of the Palestinians.

We support the principal of a two state solution and the right of return for Palestinians according to agreed upon decisions.

Based on the regional and international experience we oppose the one state solution which will negate the right of self determination of both peoples. We call upon the committee to embrace these principals in order to expand the influence of the civil society in the Middle East.

We believe than political courage, generosity, humility, and forgiveness are needed to achieve the goal of a just and lasting peace in the region.

Forum Para la Paz

Khaled Soufan arrives at concentration camp as Israeli ambassador's guest. Visit meant to show solidarity with Jews' suffering during WWII, he says

Roee Nahmias

A rare visit: The PLO's ambassador to Poland visited the Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration camp on Wednesday.

Khaled Soufan was accompanied by David Peleg, the Israeli ambassador to Poland. The two spent some two and a half hours in the camp, during which Soufan told Peleg that only when one visits Auschwitz, can one grasp the scope of the Holocaust.

Soufan, a former PLO ambassador to Hungary, befriended the Israeli ambassador in Budapest and expressed his interest in visiting the concentration camp.

Soufan seemed impressed by the number of the Jewish youth groups visiting the camp, and was moved by the memorial ceremony held by the Birkenau monument.

After signing the camp's visitors' journal, Soufan told reporters he was there to convey his solidarity with the Jewish people's suffering during World War II.

The PLO ambassador is not the only unlikely visitor to the camp: The Pakistani ambassador to Poland visited Auschwitz earlier in October and several of the Pakistani military officials are scheduled to visit it in the next few weeks.

LIBEREZ LES !!!
LIBERATE THEM!!!
LIBEREN LOS !!!

A l'occasion du 15ème anniversaire de la Conférence de Madrid, Ofer Bronchtein avec la Reine Sofia d'Espagne, le 11 Janvier 2007.

Ofer Bronchtein et la Reine Sofia de l'Espagne

Muhammad Yunus, Prix Nobel pour la Paix 2006

Retrouvez plus d'information dans nos actualités.

Ofer Bronchtein a participé à la conférence Madrid+ 15, du 10 au 12 Janvier 2007.

Retrouvez des documents et des présentations dans nos actualités.